Moderates, Conservatives for Nuclear Reductions

March 5, 2009

It is Nearly Unanimous:
Across-the-Spectrum Support for Nuclear Weapons Reductions

Secretary of Defense Robert Gates
“I think actually that there is a willingness and an ability to make deeper reductions. We are at about – the goal now, I think, is to get down to something on the order of 1,700 to 2,200 deployed warheads, and we can probably do better than that. The real issue has centered around the nature of the agreement we should have with the Russians. My own view is, there will be another agreement with the Russians. I am confident that the new – that whoever is elected president, we will go to the bargaining table. If we don’t have time to get a new START agreement before the current – before the Moscow Treaty expires, there is provision for both sides to extend the existing treaty, with the verification procedures and so on. And I have every confidence that we will do that.”
Robert Gates at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Oct 28, 2008

Sen. John McCain (R-AZ)
“As our two countries possess the overwhelming majority of the world's nuclear weapons, we have a special responsibility to reduce their number. I believe we should reduce our nuclear forces to the lowest level we judge necessary, and we should be prepared to enter into a new arms control agreement with Russia reflecting the nuclear reductions I will seek.”
John McCain at the University of Denver, May 28, 2008

Former Republican Secretary of States George P. Schultz and Henry A. Kissinger, plus former Democratic Secretary of Defense William J. Perry and former Democratic Senator Sam Nunn
“The U.S. and Russia, which possess close to 95% of the world's nuclear warheads, have a special responsibility, obligation and experience to demonstrate leadership. Some steps are already in progress, such as the ongoing reductions in the number of nuclear warheads deployed on long-range, or strategic, bombers and missiles.”
Op-ed in Wall Street Journal, January 15, 2008

The Congressional Commission On The Strategic Posture Of The United States, which includes Republicans James Schlesinger, former Secretary of Energy and Secretary of Defense, John Foster, Director Emeritus of Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, Keith Payne, CEO and President, National Institute for Public Policy, Fred Ikle, former Director, Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, James Woolsey, former Director, Central Intelligence Agency, and Bruce Tarter, former Director, Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory
“The US could maintain its security while reducing its reliance on nuclear weapons and making further reductions in the size of its stockpile, if this is done appropriately. Substantial stockpile reductions would need to be done bilaterally with the Russians, and at some level of reductions, with other nuclear powers.”
The Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States interim report, December 15, 2008

Howard Baker, US Senator (R-TN) 1967-85
Samuel Berger, National Security Advisor 1997-2001
Harold Brown, Secretary of Defense 1977-81
Frank Carlucci, Secretary of Defense 1987-89
James F. Collins, US Ambassador to Russia 1997-2001
John C. Danforth, US Senator (R-MO) 1977-95
Kenneth M. Duberstein, White House Chief of Staff 1988-89
Susan Eisenhower, President, Eisenhower Group, Inc.
Slade Gorton, US Senator (R-WA) 1981-87, 1989-2001
Lee Hamilton, US Congressman (D-IN) 1965-99, PSA Co-Chair
Gary Hart, US Senator (D-CO) 1975-87
Arthur Hartman, Ambassador to Soviet Union 1981-87
Rita E. Hauser, Chair, International Peace Institute
Carla Hills, US Trade Representative 1989-93
E. Neville Isdell, Chairman, US-Russia Business Council
Nancy Kassebaum Baker, US Senator (R-KS) 1978-97
Thomas Kean, Governor, New Jersey 1982-90
Donald M. Kendall, former Chairman and CEO, Pepsico
John Lehman, Secretary of the Navy 1981-87
Richard Leone, President, The Century Foundation
Jack Matlock, Ambassador to Soviet Union 1987-91
Robert McFarlane, National Security Advisor 1983-85
Donald McHenry, Ambassador to UN 1979-81
Robert S. McNamara, Secretary of Defense 1961-68
Sam Nunn, US Senator (D-GA) 1972-96
William Perry, Secretary of Defense 1994-97
Thomas Pickering, Undersecretary of State 1997-2000
Warren Rudman, US Senator (R-NH) 1980-92, PSA Co-Chair
Alan Simpson, US Senator (R-WY) 1979-97
Theodore Sorensen, White House Special Counsel 1961-63
James Symington, US Congressman (D-MO) 1969-77
Edward Verona, President, US-Russia Business Council
John Whitehead, Deputy Secretary of State 1985-88
Timothy E. Wirth, US Senator (D-CO) 1987-93
Frank Wisner, Undersecretary of State 1992-93
“We, the undersigned, agree that to repair the U.S.-Russia relationship, both sides must take steps to restore mutual confidence and trust. The Obama Administration can begin by...Advancing the US-Russia dialogue on arms control and non-proliferation, and working to extend or replace the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START), which could be followed by another stage of verified nuclear disarmament.”
Partnership for a Strong America, "U.S. and Russia: A Window of Opportunity," February 26, 2009

Panel that included Republicans such as former Senator Jim Talent (R-MO) and now distinguished fellow at Heritage Foundation, Robin Cleveland, formerly Associate Director at the White House Office of Management and Budget and in a variety of key positions with Senator Mitch McConnell, Stephen G. Rademaker, former Assistant Secretary of State under President George W. Bush
“The Commission believes it imperative that we continue to reduce the size of the U.S. and Russian nuclear stockpiles in a structured and transparent manner. Consequently, we believe that the next administration should engage with Russia at the earliest possible date to negotiate additional reductions in both countries’ strategic stockpiles and to agree on transparency measures that can be in place by the end of 2009, when START expires. Such an agreement would send an important signal to the rest of the world regarding U.S. and Russian commitments to negotiate in good faith on effective measures relating to nuclear disarmament. Setting additional benchmarks for further reductions would serve as a natural reinforcement to continue this important strategic partnership in fighting terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.”
Bob Graham, Jim Talent, “World at Risk,” The Commission on WMD Proliferation and Terrorism, December 2008

Former co-chairmen of the 9/11 Commission Thomas H. Kean (R) and Lee H. Hamilton (D)
“More nuclear-armed states means more risks to peace and stability…We can help by making deeper nuclear arms reductions, ratifying the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and fulfilling the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty -- steps that would have a powerful, positive effect.”
Thomas H. Kean, Lee H. Hamilton, November 9, 2008

Retired Ambassadors Max M. Kampelman and Thomas Graham Jr.
“The road from the world of today, with thousands of nuclear weapons in national arsenals to a world free of this threat, will not be an easy one to take, but it is clear U.S. leadership is essential to the journey and there is growing worldwide support for that civilized call for zero.”
Thomas Graham Jr., Max M. Kampelman, April 2, 2008

Reps. Daniel E. Lungren (R-CA) and James McGovern (D-MA)

  1. "(1) the President should continue both negotiations with other countries and unilateral initiatives to achieve further reductions in nuclear arms to minimum levels;
  2. (2) the President should agree to the verifiable reduction of deployed nuclear weapons of both the United States and the Russian Federation to equal levels of 1,000, and a total nuclear inventory of not more than 3,000, by the year 2015.”
James McGovern, Daniel E. Lungren, “House Resolution 1045,” March 13, 2008

Former Rep. Mickey Edwards (R-OK)
“Unlike George W. Bush, Reagan did not "look into the eyes" of Mikhail Gorbachev. He looked at the nuclear weapons arsenals in both America and the Soviet Union and dedicated much of his presidency to ridding the world of the nuclear menace, hammering out arms reduction agreements.”
Mickey Edwards, February 4, 2008

Senator Richard G. Lugar (R-IN)
“First, it is vital that the START Treaty with Russia be renewed. When the Senate gave its consent to ratification to the Moscow Treaty in 2002, it did so knowing that the United States could rely on START Treaty's verification regime. It provides important assurances to both sides. At the time, this committee was assured that extension of START was a very high priority. Unfortunately, little progress has been made, and the treaty will expire in 11 months. In other words, the conceptual underpinning of our strategic relationship with Russia depends upon something that is about to expire. Such an outcome will be seen as weakening the international nonproliferation regime.”
Senator Richard G. Lugar question to Sec. of State-designate Hillary Clinton at her confirmation hearing, Jan. 13, 2009

Stephen M. Younger, formerly led nuclear research and development at Los Alamos National Laboratory
“Perhaps the most prudent course would be to show good faith by reducing existing nuclear stockpiles while developing rigorous verification technologies that would provide assurance against cheaters. A detailed plan could be established with goals and timelines, including off-ramps in case we cannot find adequate means of verification or if international tensions rise to unacceptable levels.”
Stephen Younger OpEd, Wall Street Journal, January 10, 2009

Retired General Lance W. Lord, former commander of the Air Force Space Command in Colorado
“As a first step, the U.S. and Russia need to extend the inspection and verification provisions of the START Treaty, which is due to expire at the end of 2009. But the truly innovative part will be to pursue the goal of a new nuclear strategy that isn't driven by the current numbers of nuclear weapons each side possesses. Instead, it should be driven by the best estimates on what constitutes adequate deterrence levels against a broad array of new threats, including possible actions by countries like Iran and North Korea.”
Lance W. Lord OpEd, International Herald Tribune, January 9, 2009

Report authors: John C. Browne, Los Alamos National Laboratory (retired), Clark Murdock (formerly deputy director of the Air Force’s headquarters planning function, Francis Slakey, American Physical Society, Benn Tannenbaum, American Association for the Advancement of Science, Jessica Yeats, Center for Strategic and International Studies; Workshop Chairs: John Hamre (formerly deputy secretary of defense , J. Michael Cornwall, University of California, Los Angeles, Former Rep. James Leach, Franklin C. Miller, formely Special Assistant to President George W. Bush and as Senior Director for Defense Policy and Arms Control on the National Security Council staff
“As part of a new strategic dialogue with Russia, the United States should reinvigorate nuclear arms talks with the Russians: first, to extend START-I (and its suite of verification measures), and then, to systematically account for total inventories of U.S.-Russian nuclear weapons and achieve deeper reductions in U.S.-Russian and global nuclear stockpiles.”
The American Association for the Advancement of Science, the American Physical Society and the Center for Strategic and International Studies, “Nuclear Weapons in 21st Century US National Security,” AAAS, APS, CSIS, December 1, 2008

Ambassador Linton F. Brooks, Former Administrator, National Nuclear Security Administration, Department Of Energy
“Ambassador Brooks advocated a simple approach that prioritizes transparency, predictability, and the political value of a successful agreement. The concerns of each side must be provided for; in general, Russia prizes predictability, while the United States seeks to preserve the ability to react to unforeseen international developments. The two countries should negotiate one treaty to replace START and the 2002 Treaty of Moscow.
This treaty must:

  • Reduce the number of operationally deployed warheads below the limit set by the 2002 Treaty of Moscow.
  • Limit launchers to a number slightly above current levels.
  • Both launcher and warhead limits should be met no later than 2011, to ensure transparency and decrease mutual suspicion quickly.”
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace write-up of Amb. Linton Brooks talk on "The Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START): What Should the Follow-Up Be,?" September 4, 2008

Peter Huessy of the National Defense University Foundation
““I believe there is no contradiction between seeking lower levels of nuclear weapons and maintaining a deterrent second to none.”
Peter R. Huessy OpEd for OpinionEditorials.com, “Nukes For Peace: Nuclear Terrorism And The State Of Us Deterrent Policy,” January 29, 2009

Former Utah Senator Jake Garn (R)
“Strong citizen and congressional support will be needed for the new president to take steps toward nuclear arms reduction. President-elect Obama will need to reach out to Russia to negotiate the reduction in the nuclear arsenals of both countries. Then we can realistically invite all relevant nations to craft a lasting treaty for the abolition of nuclear arms. This would be a giant step toward true global as well as U.S. security.”
Former Sen. Jake Garn and John W. Bennion, OpEd for Salt Lake Tribune, "Abolishing nuclear arms would enhance global security," November 28, 2009